This essay
was first published in The Nation
Porn's Compassionate Conservatism
As George W. Bush moves
into his new digs on Pennsylvania Avenue, the power-brokers
of pornography are shaking in their boots. MARK CROMER
reports that with a Texan in the White House and a Bible-thumping
Christian heading the Justice Department, Debbie isn't
doing Dallas anymore and the Devil has left Miss Jones.
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It's early Saturday morning
and I am standing in the living room of a home that's
been converted, for the day, into a porn set. Heavy
light rigging, cables, crates of colored gels and video
monitors now dominate what had been just another unassuming
suburban home at the end of a cul-de-sac. In addition
to worrying about all the usual concerns confronting
a porn shoot-will the talent show up, will they be hung
over, will they have all their paperwork in order, will
some boyfriend or agent decide he's the director-I now
have other matters to consider.
While I am safely nestled in the hills beyond La Canada
Flintridge, 3,000 miles to the east George W. Bush is
being sworn in to the presidency. And as he lays his
hand on that Bible held by the very Chief Justice who
helped install him into office, the power players in
LA's fabled Porn Valley are hearing thunderclaps in
the distance. The Perfect Storm has broken in the Beltway,
they believe, and life preservers are now being passed
out.
I know this because I'm a pornographer. Well, sort of.
I originated and for the past several years have moonlighted
as a producer on the Jail Babes video series, which
launched Larry Flynt into the booming adult-video business.
I have in that time been treated to the inner workings
of a business that continues to fascinate libido-driven
Americans. And recently Flynt's producers and our peers
at other companies have been briefed in meetings and
memos as to just how we are to react, given the new
President and incoming Attorney General.
Fourteen years ago, of course, Reagan's Attorney General
Ed Meese launched a celebrated (and reviled) antiporn
crusade that included a bevy of busts; but since then
the LA-based industry has grown into a multibillion-dollar
business reaching into nearly every corner of America,
culturally, politically and even economically. Consider
that an estimated 25,000 video outlets across the nation
stock adult material and that more than 10,000 new adult-video
titles are released each year; last year there were
711 million rentals of hard-core sex films. Porn is
a $10 billion industry--$4 billion of that in explicit
video sales--that even has links to corporate parents
like General Motors and AT&T. (Whatever collective
pain and persecution the industry suffered during the
Reagan and Bush the Elder years, when Bill Clinton rolled
into the White House with a social agenda that did not
call for the outright destruction of smut, pornographers
in the San Fernando Valley--Wicked Pictures, Vivid Video,
VCA and Hustler Video are the biggies--saw eight years
of relative green lights and blue skies.)
In an effort to head off any potential anti-porno jihad
by the Bush Administration, some of the major porn outfits
have reached a common conclusion and issued sweeping
new guidelines to producers and directors--rules that
are supposed to make even the most eager prosecutor
think twice before filing charges. Anxious to sanitize
their product to the point where it passes muster with
compassionate conservatives everywhere, especially those
living on Pennsylvania Avenue, major producers in the
industry are proposing to discard or ban a host of sexual
acts and scenarios that have in some instances become
staples of the genre.
Welcome to the era of kinder, gentler smut.
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"Everyone has grave
concerns," says Jeffrey Douglas, a lawyer who specializes
in First Amendment issues and has represented the adult
industry since the early 1980s. "Most of us on
the legal side have advised those in the industry to
assume, no matter who got elected, that the environment
[read Justice Department] will be less sensitive to
First Amendment issues."
While the focus on Attorney General John Ashcroft has
to date been on his positions on civil rights and abortion,
little attention has been paid until now as to how--and
how effectively--the former senator from Missouri might
weigh in on the culture wars surrounding the First Amendment.
Porn sage William Margold, who now runs a support organization
for porn performers, says Ashcroft "casts a shadow"
across sexual expression and that the industry may be
in for some "radical attempts to clean us up."
In fact, Bush asserted during the campaign that "porn
has no place in a decent society" and vowed to
"insist on vigorously enforcing" antipornography
laws. Bush's comments should offer cold comfort to liberals
who oppose commercial porn based on the exploitation
that can and does occur in the industry (just as it
does in many other industries, not slated for demolition).
"Most people only deal with bad news when it is
knocking at their door," muses Douglas. "George
Bush and John Ashcroft are a really loud knock on the
door."
Anticipation that the knock will be followed with a
shout of "We have a warrant!" is what has
led the porn companies to issue what at least in Hustler's
case proved to be a twenty-four-point set of guidelines.
We producers have been provided with what might better
be described as a Just Say No List, for every line starts
with a No (it can be viewed online at Inside.com). The
list, which reads like material generated for a classic
Lenny Bruce or Dick Gregory routine, discards everything
from fetish rituals found on the fringe to some of porn's
most signature sex acts.
First and foremost, producers and directors are no longer
to shoot any material that depicts a female model who
appears to be suffering "unhappiness or pain."
Ditto for "degradation."
Food can no longer be used as a sexual object, obviously
sparing carrots, cucumbers and bananas from further
degradation and heading off a full-scale investigation
from the Department of Agriculture.
Blindfolds are also out.
So is wax-dripping.
So is sex in a coffin.
So is urinating on camera, unless it is done "in
a natural setting" such as a field or roadside.
No male/male penetration can be shown.
Bisexual encounters are also out, as are scenes involving
transsexuals.
Other verboten activities include fisting (an act sometimes
featured in Penthouse), "menstruation topics"
or spitting or saliva passing mouth to mouth.
A self-imposed ban from the late-1980s on subjects of
adult-age incest (i.e., college-aged guy is seduced
by middle-aged mom) will continue during the Bush Administration,
despite the fact that mainstream theaters project the
topic with such films as Spanking the Monkey. Ironically,
this forbidden fruit is the subject of the 1980 film
Taboo, which the industry trade publication Adult Video
News recently reported as one of the all-time bestselling
adult videos, with sales topping a million copies.
The new guidelines also state: "No black men, white
women themes." Perhaps in a tip of the hat to Thomas
Jefferson, producers can continue to feature white men
having sex with black women. (In other words, maybe
the new Administration won't view scenes of white men
screwing blacks as out of the ordinary.)
Perhaps the most surprising item on the list is a prohibition
of the until-now obligatory facial "money shot,"
in which a male performer ejaculates on the face of
the female performer, a staple long before Deep Throat
brought porn out of the basement. This brought a howl
from Margold when he read it. "Facials are the
crowning achievement of this industry," he proclaimed,
only half-joking. "It's what we built this industry
on!"
The new rules do allow a male model to ejaculate on
a female model, with the caveat that the "shot
is not nasty." Lawyers will now be able to jack
up billable hours to determine if the semen on a left
breast is "nasty" but the semen on a right
elbow is to be approved. Douglas is equally derisive
in his assessment of the new guidelines: "That
list is complete horseshit," he says. "It's
probably a third generation of someone's interpretation
of what a lawyer suggested."
For all of Margold's humorous dismissal and Douglas's
disdain, the new guidelines are no laughing matter for
the major porn companies. For these firms and those
who run them, the adult-entertainment business is no
longer about making an artistic statement for sexual
freedom. It is about making money. Getting busted is
not in the business plan. While there is a consensus
that trouble is brewing, there is disagreement about
just how effective renewed prosecutions will be and
even whether attempts at self-censorship will do anything
to stop them.
Roger Jon Diamond, a Santa Monica- based lawyer who
has been defending adult material since the late 1960s,
and whose cases have gone to the Supreme Court, feels
some of the worry may be overblown. "I don't think
Bush or Ashcroft can successfully bring us 'Meese II,'"
he says. "Too much material is already out there
in too many places. How are they going to prove community
standards [a central requirement of the 'Miller standard'
the Supreme Court set in determining obscenity] now?
You can't unring the bell."
While Douglas notes that the chances of the Bush Administration
killing off an industry that has survived every President
(and Attorney General) since Nixon are slim, he warns
that the government would be just as happy to inflict
some serious pain on it. And here, Diamond notes that
the industry's will to draw a line in the sand and fight
prosecutions may well determine how much damage is inflicted.
"It's like soldiers landing on the beaches. You
know you are going to take the beach, but some guys
up front are going to have to take some bullets for
everyone else. So the question becomes, who is willing
to take some bullets?"
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"Irrespective of Ashcroft,
the Bush Administration brings very dangerous forces
into play," Douglas says. "Unable to influence
Congress, to satisfy the religious right they are going
to have to take action outside the legislature, and
the area they have the broadest discretion in is the
prosecution of crime. And Congress will not be outraged.
Bottom line: There will be aggressive obscenity prosecutions."
If the previous two Republican administrations are any
indication, Douglas says, the industry can expect at
least thirty or more companies to be targeted by the
Justice Department. That's about how many were put in
the crosshairs under both Reagan and Bush Senior.
Douglas maintains that the real question confronting
the adult industry is how the expected prosecutions
will take shape. "It will depend on whether [prosecutors]
want to grab headlines and simply appease the religious
right," Douglas says. "Or do they really want
to change content?"
If they seek a purely political nod to the hard right
in the GOP, prosecutors are likely to seek prison sentences
and wage a no-quarter battle to that end. Douglas says
that tack was taken by prosecutors under the Reagan
Administration--an era that he darkly notes was marked
by Justice Department attorneys who signed their official
correspondence "Yours in Jesus Christ."
If prosecutors want to shape what the industry creates
rather than exact a blood tribute through prison time,
Douglas says they are likely to hew to the tactic the
previous Bush Administration employed: levying huge
fines that will cripple the targeted companies.
"It was a hell of a lot more fun to film in this
town when it was illegal," Margold adds, noting
that he went to jail a half-dozen or more times as a
result of working in porn. "But the industry can't
return to its outlaw roots, because there are no more
outlaws. The guys who run the companies now are sheep
complacently chewing on their dollar bills. If they
get busted they won't fight, they'll crack."
Douglas has seen that happen firsthand. "You have
to be emotionally prepared as well as financially prepared
to fight the government. It's easy to say, 'I believe
in what I do and I'll fight for my right to do it,'"
he says. "But you find that a lot of big talkers
will plead out real quick."
The real danger, Douglas says, "is that professional
censors may well be brought in and will have the awesome
powers of the Justice Department at their disposal.
Guys who think, 'I am an agent of God, and God says
in order to keep Satan from rising we need to destroy
the porn industry.'" Perhaps the question isn't
whether a Justice Department filled with zealots can
destroy porn but whether the industry--once defined
by a rebelliousness that the Sexual Revolution imbued
it with--can salvage anything of its former self.
It's hard to remember at times, but there was a brief,
shining period when the concept of what was being filmed
actually mattered. Stepping out of society's closet
in the early seventies, American porno was a bastard
art form that offered directors real freedom from conventional
standards and restrictions. Filmmakers like Jonas Middleton,
Robert McCallum, Cecil Howard, Henri Pachard and Kirdy
Stevens explored the rich mines of human sexuality.
Those men were joined by women like Helene Terrie, who
wrote and produced Taboo, and Ann Perry and Maria Tobalina,
both former presidents of the Adult Film Association
of America. There were a lot of busts, trials and pain
along the way. Now the question arises, Why were those
sacrifices made? Did those people sit in jail and prison
just so others would censor themselves into depicting
officially sanctioned sex? Was that the point?
George W. Bush and John Ashcroft have won half the battle
simply by showing up. Some in the business feel that
even those of us shooting under the new guidelines will
be targeted. As one producer noted, "They hate
us all, and they'll come after the whole industry."
The silver lining to these storm clouds is that censorship,
even the self-imposed kind, usually backfires, eventually
creating only more of what it tried to suppress. If
the past and human nature are any indication, that will
be the case here, especially given the size of the market
today. While producers for big companies are forced
to shoot under new rules, the outlaw element in porn,
provocateurs like Rob Black and Max Hardcore, will likely
rise (or sink) to the occasion and do the necessary
dirty work to keep porn, well...dirty.
The way it should be.
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